April 23, 1972

A Sunday in 1972: Apollo 16 astronauts hike the moon, Methodists vote to oppose the Vietnam war effort, West Virginia ratifies the ERA, and Americans are afraid to walk home at night — for once, justifiably.

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April 23, 1972 was a Sunday around the world. Above the fold, the biggest headline was about the Apollo 16 lunar mission. While most Americans perused their papers, a few others were out for a hike, walking up what was described as a "hill" on the moon. This being 1972, the only news they would have heard was whatever their coworkers at NASA decided to share. Imagine going all the way to the moon just to unplug and get some exercise.

Walk In The Park

Newspaper-halftone reproduction of a NASA photograph from the Apollo 16 landing site. The lunar module Orion stands at right with the lunar roving vehicle parked at left, both small against a flat grey plain; the black sky sits hard above the horizon, and bootprints and rover tracks cross the foreground.

Apollo 16 was the penultimate mission of that era. Crewed by John Young, Charles Duke Jr., and Thomas Mattingly II, the astronauts collected 209 pounds of regolith samples during the nearly 11 day mission.

Photograph and mission figures: note 1.

Among the stories running in the New York Times was an update on the Democratic Party's primary elections, the ongoing spring offensive by the North Vietnamese, and the latest missile tests being conducted by the Soviet Union. Analysts at the time thought that the Russians were showing strength to counter President Nixon's "get tough moves," which included, among other things, improving Israel's military.

If you were a thorough reader of the Abilene Reporter-News, you would have seen two stories pulled from the AP wire. "Methodists Ask War Materiel Work Halt" reported that United Methodist leaders had voted to ask companies to stop providing technology and equipment to the US military for operations in Southeast Asia. The resolution passed after a compromise that left the companies unnamed. The article named them anyway: General Electric, Honeywell, International Telephone & Telegraph, and Standard Oil of New Jersey. The Methodists joined other religious organizations opposing the war in Vietnam—primarily mainstream Protestant groups. Southern Baptist evangelicals and the Catholic Church were able to look past their ecumenical differences and support the most hawkish policies in Vietnam for fear that losing there would lead to Communist hegemony.

The United Methodists have been opposing war for decades. The Methodists' Social Principles still consider war deplorable. In 2003, during the Iraq War, Methodist Bishop Sharon Brown Christopher wrote to President Bush urging that "every possible means to prevent war will be pursued"—language nearly identical to their 1972 Vietnam stance. In 2025, the Council of Bishops issued a similar call for peace in the Middle East. Same church, same position, fifty years apart.

What's more interesting is the split within American Christianity that this vote represented. While Methodists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and Lutherans opposed the war, Southern Baptists overwhelmingly supported it. A 1967 survey of messengers who stopped at a booth at the Southern Baptist Convention found two-thirds saying the United States "should do whatever is necessary to win the war." By 1968, 75% of Baptist pastors felt the United States "could not afford to lose in Vietnam," and 69% supported escalation.

In 1972, it was the wealthy establishment churches—Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Methodists—pushing back against the war, while working-class Southern Baptists supported it. This created a crisis. Many Protestants, alienated by their churches' opposition to the war, left mainline denominations for evangelical congregations. That migration built the foundation of modern conservative Christianity and its alliance with military hawkishness. The positions haven't changed in fifty years. What changed was which denominations dominated the "Christian" microphone.

Sandwiched between the Methodists story and the headline, "Famous War Mother Dies" was a brief item titled "West Virginia Okays Amendment." This was the Equal Rights Amendment, which read: "Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex." The idea was already 50 years old—the original ERA was introduced in Congress in 1923. The House passed it in October 1971, and in March 1972 the Senate approved it 84-8, sending it to the states for ratification.

If you're wondering which number amendment to the Constitution the ERA is, the answer is no number. It was never ratified. Thirty states approved the seemingly straightforward concept, but the mid-1970s saw Phyllis Schlafly enter the fray as the voice of the STOP ERA campaign. The STOP ERA campaign argued the amendment would lead to gender-neutral bathrooms, same-sex marriage, and women in combat. Political scientist Jane Mansbridge later endorsed the view that the ERA would have been ratified by 1975 or 1976 without Schlafly's early and effective opposition. Instead, it stalled at thirty-five states, three short of the required thirty-eight.

Schlafly opened speeches with: "First of all, I want to thank my husband Fred, for letting me come—I always like to say that, because it makes the libs so mad." She had degrees from Washington University and Radcliffe, a law degree, ran for Congress twice, and built a national political organization. She spent decades arguing that women should stay home. Thirty-eight states have now ratified the ERA, most recently Virginia in 2020, but it appears the American Congress will have to start all over again—the final deadline was missed in 1982.

Elliot Richardson

Secretary of Health, Education & Welfare, 1970–73

Nine months after this report, Nixon moved Richardson to the Pentagon, and four months after that to the Justice Department. He was sworn in as Attorney General in May 1973, with the Watergate scandal already emerging.

On October 20th 1973, Richardson was ordered to fire the special prosecutor Archibald Cox. He refused, and resigned instead. His deputy, William Ruckelshaus, went the same way within the hour; the solicitor-general, Robert Bork, carried out the order. The night became known as the Saturday Night Massacre. Nixon resigned nine months later.

Sources: note 2.

The Oakland Tribune picked up an AP story about a report from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. That report reviewed the results of the Head Start program and Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act since 1965 and 1966. During that time, 11.5 billion dollars were spent, and the results were apparently underwhelming. Secretary Elliot Richardson was quoted saying that "too little money [was] spread over too many children for too many purposes." This review coincided with President Nixon proposing another $2.5 billion for the programs in 1973.

That money was part of a proposal to address busing. Here's how the Times described Nixon's plan: it would "step up school spending for poor children" while "severely restrict[ing] busing as a desegregation tool." A key element was "spending averaging $300 more per pupil in schools where 30% or more of the children are racially or economically isolated." Worth noting: this is how the newspaper of record described a proposal to fund segregated schools in 1972.

Window Shopping, 1972

Abilene Reporter-News, April 23rd

Oldsmobile Delta 88 $3,990$31,841
Kroehler sofa $199$1,588
Paint, per gallon $7.88$62.88
Cupid corselette $7.00$55.86

The factory wage

1972, as paid $7,692/yr
1972, in 2026 dollars $60,935/yr
2026, as paid $62,510/yr

Prices, wages and conversion: note 3.

Back to the New York Times for crime news. Gallup asked people if they were afraid to walk alone in their own neighborhood at night. Fifty-eight % of women said yes, and the greatest increase was among people living in towns with under 50,000 people. Overall, 77% of people believed there was the same amount of crime or more in their communities than a year before. They also had thoughts on why: lenient laws and drugs came first at 25% and 21% respectively; lack of parental supervision and not enough jobs were tied at 13%. And 4% of the 1,478 Americans polled thought that rising crime was because "people have too much money."

Between 1960 and 1972, murder rates in New York City rose by a factor of four to nearly five murders per day. The city recorded 1,691 homicides in 1972, a rate of 21.4 per 100,000 residents. Nationally, the homicide rate had doubled from 4.6 per 100,000 in 1962 to 9.8 by 1979. Violent crime rates increased 126% between 1960 and 1970. Robberies increased by a factor of four between 1960 and 1980.

Stranger violence, like robberies, muggings, and random attacks was newer, more difficult to avoid, and generated more fear than crimes between people who knew each other. The 1972 respondents were living through the beginning of what would become the worst crime wave in modern American history.

In 2023 fears for personal safety spiked to the 1972 number again, despite the decades long downward trend in violent crime. By 2025, that number had receded to 31%, more in line with the mid-1960s. FBI data showed a 4.5% decrease in U.S. crime in 2024. New York City recorded 391 homicides in 2023 (roughly 4.7 per 100,000)—down from 1,691 in 1972. National homicide rates had fallen from their 1980 peak of 10.2 per 100,000 to about 5.7 in 2023.

The Marshall Project found that people's crime perceptions are now deeply influenced by partisanship—they report feeling safer when their political party controls the White House, regardless of actual crime statistics. In 1972, people were afraid because crime was surging. In 2023, people were afraid even though crime had been falling for thirty years.

Fear of the Dark

APR. 1972 1972 LEVEL −26%−54% afraid to walk aloneat night near homehomicide rate 196719801990200020102020

Scroll the chart sideways to read the whole run.

Gallup asked the fear question in 1967 and 1968, then not again until 1972; it is plotted only in the years it was put. The homicide rate is annual.

Gallup and the FBI. Figures and sources: note 4.

Notes

  1. 1Photograph: Apollo 16, Lunar Module Orion and the lunar roving vehicle at the Descartes highlands landing site, from the Apollo Image Gallery; NASA imagery is public domain. It is reproduced here as a newsprint halftone rather than as the original photograph. Mission figures from NASA, Apollo 16 mission details.
  2. 2National Constitution Center, "The Saturday Night Massacre: How our Constitution trumped a reckless President"; U.S. Department of Justice, Attorneys General of the United States and its biography of Richardson.
  3. 3Prices from advertisements in the Abilene Reporter-News, April 23rd 1972, converted at the change in the consumer price index for all urban consumers between April 1972 and 2026 so far (×7.98). The wage is the average hourly earnings of production and non-supervisory manufacturing workers — $3.70 an hour in 1972, $30.05 in 2026 — put on a 2,080-hour year so the two are measured the same way, and converted on the 1972 annual average rather than April's (×7.92), since it is itself an annual figure. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
  4. 4Both lines are set against their own 1972 level, so a chart of a percentage and a chart of a rate can be read on one frame; the absolute figures are here. Fear is Gallup's "Is there any area near where you live — that is, within a mile — where you would be afraid to walk alone at night?", from its Crime trend tables. Gallup put it in 1965, 1967 and 1968 and then not again until 1972, which is why the chart starts in 1967 — the first year after 1965 in which both series have a reading — and why the line is plotted only in the years the question was actually asked. It read 31% in 1967, 42% in 1972, peaked at 48% in 1982, fell to 29% in 2020, spiked to 40% in 2023 and stood at 31% in 2025. Homicide is the FBI's murder and non-negligent manslaughter rate per 100,000, annual: 6.2 in 1967, 9.0 in 1972, a peak of 10.2 in 1980, and 4.1 in 2025 — which the Bureau says ties 1955 and 1956 for the lowest since its estimates began in 1936. Figures for 1967–1999 are the Uniform Crime Reports series, 2000–2019 are Crime in the United States 2019, Table 1, and 2020–2025 are the Crime Data Explorer summary for 2025. One caution: the FBI has re-estimated the years of its move to the NIBRS reporting system, so 2023 reads 5.7, 5.9 or 6.0 depending on which of its summaries you open, and 2024 reads 5.0 or 5.1. The newest figures are used throughout.